Migrant communities’ homeland‐oriented political campaigns are always related to, but often different from, the activism in which local people engage in their homeland setting. In seeking to understand the observed disparities between migrant campaigns and homeland activism, several studies have demonstrated the influence of contextual factors like political opportunity structures on homeland‐oriented migrant politics. Complementing these studies are works that focus on changes to identity and belonging associated with migration and resettlement. In this article, I build on these debates by offering a combined analysis of the intersections between, and interplay of, contextual and identity‐based factors. I use this analytical approach to examine the case of Sudanese political activists resident in the UK. I demonstrate how forms of belonging emerge here as part of – and not in isolation from – the strategic navigations of multiple political contexts and opportunities. In doing so, I contribute to our understanding of how belonging can be contextualized to serve as an analytical lens for understanding homeland‐oriented migrant activism.

This paper compares the laws before and after the revolution to determine whether the changes implemented are sufficient to produce the structural reforms Egyptians demand. This paper concludes that Egyptian elections processes and institutions remain insufficiently transparent, fail to produce results reflecting the diversity within Egyptian society, and fail to offer all Egyptians, especially women and religious minorities, an equal opportunity to actively participate in governance of their country.

The paper critically assesses recent changes in Egypt’s electoral regime and considers whether Egypt had a revolution without reform. The thesis is twofold. First, the limited reforms made to election laws post-revolution are insufficient to produce the sustainable and meaningful democracy sought by Egyptians. Existing post-revolution laws fail to create transparent and independent processes that facilitate a level playing field among candidates and voter confidence in election outcomes. Second, the post-revolution amendments worsen prospects for Egyptian women and Coptic Christians to be elected to office, thereby further marginalizing them in the public sphere. Such adverse consequences are troubling in light of the significant contributions women and Egyptian Coptic Christians made to the revolution.

In this early stage of the post-revolutionary phase, there is reason for cautious optimism. While Egyptian election laws have been amended for the better since the revolution, more legislative reforms are needed to ensure that future elections are fair, free, and accessible to all Egyptians. Sound election laws are the bedrock of a democracy insofar as they ensure that a dominant party does not extend its rule against the will of the people. As witnessed with the National Democratic Party (NDP) under the Mubarak regime, laws can be manipulated to guarantee certain electoral outcomes benefitting the dominant party.

In the end, Egypt is at the initial stages of a protracted transition from entrenched authoritarianism to democracy uniquely tailored to Egyptian cultural and religious norms. One year after its historic revolution, Egyptians have made great strides toward that common goal. Whether post-revolution reforms will be structural and produce a complete upheaval of a corrupt political system, as called for by most Egyptians, or merely superficial changes under the false guise of reform will determine the success of this transition. While it is still too soon to predict the outcome, one thing is quite clear – future political leaders who seek to impose authoritarianism do so at their own peril.

The international community has reached an impasse. The violence committed by Syrian President Assad’s government against opposition forces, who have been calling for democratic reform, regime change, and expanded rights, has necessitated a response from the international community. This article explores various ways the international community could respond to the crisis in Syria and the consequences of each approach. It compares the current calamity in Syria to the crisis in Libya and examines the international community’s response to the violence perpetrated by Qaddafi’s regime. It further analyzes reports, primarily from the UN and news sources, about the ongoing predicament in Syria. The article concludes that the international community should proceed with achieving a ceasefire via dialogue but must begin by conveying newly imposed sanctions that affect the Sunni merchant class and thus threaten Assad’s grip on power to make that dialogue more effective. World leaders should also identify a Syrian leader who could replace Assad, who must be removed from power because of the crimes against humanity that have been committed by his regime. Western states must accept that they will have to engage peacekeeping forces in the region to aid the transition of power in Syria.

The aim of this study is to examine, from a comparative focus, the processes of political change, which have come about as a result of the revolutions and upheavals in North Africa and the Arab Middle East countries since December 2010. Previous experiences have shown that democracies tend to emerge in waves. Nevertheless, our hypothesis is that we cannot generalize by referring to a new wave of democratization in this region, but rather, we need to focus on processes of change of a different political nature (the establishment of democracy, political liberalization, and in some cases, the immobility of authoritarian regimes). In this research, we describe the constitutional and legal reforms, and the elections held to date. Finally, we evaluate the scope of these processes and assess their impact on the nature of political regimes in the Arab world.

This article compares and contrasts democratic Islamization in Pakistan and Turkey, two countries where Islamic parties came to power through electoral means. Based on a comparative analysis of these experiences, this article will make the case that democratic Islamization can be best understood through a three-fold approach focusing on Islamization of educational systems, economies, and social policies. This analysis introduces two models of Islamic democracy: the “Conflicted Repressive Islamization” of Pakistan, and the “Subtle Islamization” of Turkey. It also suggests that the Turkish model will serve as the inspiration for future reformers in the Muslim world.

BEGINNING IN JANUARY 2011, the Arab world exploded in a vibrant demand for dignity, liberty, and achievable purpose in life, rising up against an image and tradition of arrogant, corrupt, unresponsive authoritarian rule over an alienated population. The Tunisians’ slogan was “Dignity, Liberty, Work, Citizenship”; the Egyptians’ was “Dignity, Freedom, Bread, and Social Justice,” later ensconced in their constitutions.