The demonstrations that have swept through the Arab world since mid-December 2010 have taken everybody by surprise: domestic, regional and external actors alike. The Arab uprising began at a time when the Middle East is undergoing profound re-structuring, and thus it may change not only the course, but also the direction and the context of events. While the media talk of a “domino effect,” we claim that the events were not organically and directly interlinked, and although the demonstrable effect of the events in one country over those in another cannot be underestimated, the Arab countries have gone a long way down the path of “nation-statehood” and have become independent states with specific, and sometimes contrasting interests. The 2011 Arab uprisings are indicative of the beginning of a new chapter in the newly evolving regional order: they seem to have restored and re-confirmed the dignity, self-esteem and to a certain extent the sense of unity of Arabs. At the same time, they reflect a new phase of development in the duality of the patrimonial system (in the real sphere) and the institutions (of the virtual sphere), in the course of which, the inhabitants, refusing to remain “subjects,” may only – either temporarily or eventually – turn into “citizens.” In this new regional order Egypt has a new chance: political transformation and the constitutional process offer an opportunity which may make Egypt the unquestionable political leader of the Arab world again.

The Middle East has become a key place in the battle to negotiate the role of women. Indeed, during the Arab Spring revolutions, women actively and publicly participated. This was a striking feature, as many of the countries in the region had and continue to actively regulate the private and public lives of women. As revolution gives way to transition, questions remain as to how these newfound realities will incorporate gender in the state-building and reintegration processes, as well as in economic development and the rule of law. Zainab Salbi, founder of Women for Women International, a grassroots development organization that has helped women globally access social and economic opportunities, shares with the Journal her reflections on the future. Having interviewed women activists over the past few months, Salbi explores the vital role of women activists in the revolutions, and argues that we cannot talk about the stability and future of these countries without recognizing the “Third Way” and the moderating and inclusive voices of these women.

The paper analyzes the transformations occurred in the two most active and relevant communities in Lebanon after the end of the civil war, namely the Sunni and the Shiites, in the light of Arab uprisings and of the changes in the regional balance of power. If the meta-narrative of the ‘sectarianization’ of the Middle East, especially after 2011, has powered the interpretation of the regional events as marked by the struggle between Sunni and Shiites, the analysis of the transformations of the above mentioned communities in Lebanon and of their impact on the internal and external level, provides one of the best examples against this simplistic representation: the sectarian contraposition is deeply rooted in Lebanon, a pars constituent of its system, but, despite the rhetoric, both communities tend to have more pragmatic and accommodating attitudes instead of exacerbating sectarian confrontation as the afore-mentioned meta-narrative tends to impose. While it is true that each community has witnessed the radicalization of certain positions and that, over the years, major changes are taking place, those have been fuelled by the meta-narrative that is emerging at the regional level and not by a desire to bring the country to the brink of the abyss.

This article operates on the distinction between Islamism and Islam and asks questions about how this is handled in Western studies. Islam is a religion and a civilization that deserves respect, while Islamism is a political ideology to be subjected to critical inquiry. The article is based on the enlightened Muslim thought that dissociates Islamic faith from its use as a legitimation in politics. The article shares also the dismissal of orientalism and Islamophobia, but it is critical of the instrumental use of both to silence criticism, as well as their reversal into the other extreme of an orientalism in reverse (Islamophilia). I argue that the prevailing analysis in Western scholarship on Islam not only ignores the distinction between Islamism and Islam but also falls into the trap of this reversal. The article discusses Islamism and Islamist movements that succeeded in hijacking the Arab Spring in the pursuit of a shariʿa state. The prevailing narrative not only fails to understand the Islamist shariʿatization of Islam, but also that Islamist shariʿa is neither Qur’anic shariʿa, nor classical shariʿa. I conclude with the presentation of Islamology and enlightened Muslim thought as alternative approaches for the study of Islamism, pleading for freedom of speech in this field of study.

Using Hannah Arendt’s theory as a template, this essay analyzes American foreign policy decisions that led to the Iraq war. Obviously, Arendt would find the misinformation concerning “links” between Iraq and al-Qaeda to be problematic, as well as the unjustified allegation of weapons of mass destruction. In addition, the Bush administration sought to justify the war in roughly two other ways: the liberation of the people of Iraq from the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein and the need to stabilize the region by providing a model for democracy in the Middle East. One may wonder whether Arendt would support the administration’s actions for these other reasons, as Arendt was worried about the emergence of nuclear weapons and certainly was against dictatorships in favor of governments that support the public freedom of the people. However, I argue that Arendt’s overall political theory would not support the war and may, in fact, give us reasons to believe that it will not produce a fully functioning democracy in Iraq. In conclusion, I will contrast the Bush administration’s method to the Arab Spring, which Arendt would more fully support, if the outcome focuses on writing and adopting Constitutions that secure freedom for the people involved.

This paper traces the changes to the domestic politics of Arab states following the 2011 uprisings and places them in a continuum depending on the degree of internal conflict and contestation they have engendered. It also outlines the uprisings’ effects on the three strands of Islamism-radical, Salafi and moderate-across the Middle East. The paper’s main purpose is to assess the uprisings’ impact on the confrontation between the Iranian-led and pro-Western camps. It argues that ideological and sectarian considerations in the post-2011 Middle East subtly interact with but tend to be trumped by the realpolitik calculations of the various players, which are defined by regime and state interests.