It has been widely believed that Jordan was generous to refugees from Palestine by pursuing assimilative policies that help refugees integrate into society while accepting as many refugees as possible. It seems regrettable that Palestinian refugees are no more welcomed nor treated fairly by the Jordanian government. This study argues that this commonly held belief is limited to cases of early settlers in the mid-twentieth century, and that the Jordanian government has had different policies for different refugee groups. This study further explores the political aspects of Jordan’s selective policies and concludes that Jordan’s refugee policies can best be explained through the existence of external security threats.
Recent research on contentious politics in the Middle East emphasizes the importance of repression and its effect on social movements, often manifested in demobilization and so-called ‘nonmovements’. This case study of West Bank Palestinian activism seeks to go beyond such outcomes. The current, youthful nonviolent Palestinian grassroots activism in the West Bank is persistent, despite repeated violent repression. Focusing on the interplay between context, practices, and networks, this article shows how an increasingly vocal and visible popular resistance movement has asserted itself despite facing double repression – from the occupying Israeli state and the Palestinian National Authority. In a highly repressive context characterized by widespread demobilization, especially among young people, the impetus for mobilization is not perceived opportunity, but rather existential threats. The analysis focuses on how long-term repression from the external occupier and the internal elite contributes to forming specific kinds of contentious practices and networks among young Palestinian grassroots activists. By deploying new and creative contentious tactics they partly succeed in challenging the Israeli occupation without risking sanctions from the internal Palestinian elite. They are also able to criticize this elite implicitly, bringing popular pressure to bear on it. However, while the strategic use of nonviolence has provided these activist environments with a degree of resilience in the face of repression, they are unable to mobilize on a wide scale as long as the Palestinian political elite does not support them.
This paper aims at assessing the Arab Spring‘s impact on the Palestinians, in particular in their quest for statehood and their state-building efforts, with particular emphasis on relevant constitutional law and institutions. While it may be impossible to measure the impact of an incomplete process of change in the Arab world on an incomplete statehood, it is possible to identify certain impacts the Arab Spring is having on Palestine. In this paper I will analyze certain steps and actions undertaken by the PA and by the Hamas-led government in the Gaza Strip in light of (or at least since) the beginning of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions in late 2010 and early 2011, respectively.
Many expected the Arab uprisings to strengthen official and popular Arab support for Palestinian self-determination, and, for a time, they did. Since then, internal strife, the return in several Arab states of the ancient regime, and an intensified regional Cold War have left the Palestinians isolated and vulnerable. But historical precedent as well as existing tendencies counsel against despair.
