The Hidden Power of Systems Thinking: Governance in a Climate Emergency is a persuasive, lively book that shows how systems thinking can be harnessed to effect profound, complex change.
In the age of the Anthropocene, the need for new ways of thinking and acting has become urgent. But patterns of obstacles are apparent in any action, be they corporate interests, lobbyists, or outdated political and government systems. Ison and Straw show how and why failure in governance is at the heart of the collective incapacity to tackle the climate and biodiversity emergencies. They go beyond analysis of the problem and demonstrate how incorporating systems thinking into governance at every level would enable us to break free of historical shackles. They propose 26 principles for systemic governance.
This book will be inspiring reading for students applying their systemic methods, specialists in change management or public administration, activists for ‘whole system change’ and decision makers wanting to effect challenging transformations. It is for anyone with the ambition to create a sustainable and fair world.
This study examines the attitudes of Morocco’s two main Islamist parties towards the modern civil state, and the extent to which members of the Justice and Charity Movement and the Justice and Development Party are willing to change their attitudes towards the notion of the civil state. The findings reveal that both movements concur in their categorical rejection of a ruler being non-Muslim and in their affirmation of the importance of political participation in the context of an Islamic system of government, which is understood as being synonymous with shura (consultation). Notable differences are detected, however, with the Justice and Development Party deemed more receptive to partial secularism and to the election of government officials. The change in attitudes for the sample as a whole reveals a rise in the number of positive attitudes towards secularism and a drop in those concerned with its twin, democracy, as well as a marginal decline in the number of positive attitudes towards party pluralism and the election of government officials.
State capacity is an ambiguous concept; the literature is often at odds as to what constitutes state capacity, how to operationalize it, and how to measure it. Nevertheless, it is important for us to attempt this endeavor given the importance of state capacity, and its effect on a number of political and social dynamics. With the proliferation of quality surveys in the Arab world in recent years, we also have an unprecedented opportunity to examine state capacity in a new light, according to citizen perceptions in addition to material measures. Thus, in this paper, we will examine variations of state capacity measurements using the Arab Opinion Index data. We will begin by reviewing the literature on measurement of state capacity. Then we will deduce the most relevant aspects for an assessment of Arab states. Finally we will present preliminary findings, and outline prospects for future research.
We model core demands for better governance (political, economic and institutional), more employment and less consumer price inflation using a methodological innovation on the complete elimination of cross-country differences in signals susceptible of sparking social revolts. The empirical evidence based on 14 MENA countries show that the Arab Spring was predictable in 2007 to occur between January 2011 and April 2012. While the findings predict the wave of cross-country revolutions with almost mathematical precision, caveats and cautions are discussed for the scholar to understand the expositional dimensions of the empirics.
Social Currents in North Africa is a multi-disciplinary analysis of the social phenomena unfolding in the Maghreb today. The contributors analyse the genealogies of contemporary North African behavioral and ideological norms, and offer insights into post-Arab Spring governance and today’s social and political trends. The book situates regional developments within broader international currents, without forgoing the distinct features of each socio-historical context. With its common historical, cultural, and socio-economic foundations, the Maghreb is a cohesive area of study that allows for greater understanding of domestic developments from both single-country and comparative perspectives. This volume refines the geo-historical unity of the Maghreb by accounting for social connections, both within the nation-state and across political boundaries and historical eras. It illustrates that non-institutional phenomena are equally formative to the ongoing project of post-colonial sovereignty, to social construction and deployments of state power, and to local outlooks on social equity, economic prospects, and cultural identity.
The present paper complements recent research at the United Nations Economic and Social Commission (UNESCWA) on the Arab Middle Class and discusses the political role of the Middle Class. The objective of the paper is to lay the groundwork for a contextual model of analysis on political participation of the Middle Class in the Arab region by focusing on a sub-group and to develop a policy and research agenda on meaningful political participation based on democratic principles.
Panic over Egypt’s current use of democratic protest stems not from some anti-democratic nature of their process, but from its inherent disregard for structural authority that undermines all institutionalized governance. Egypt represents not an exemplary case of meekly accepted structural inequality, but an exceptional case of dignified and rebellious humanity. The political shell-game has been turned on its head such that would-be elites are walking into a functional system that devalues institutionalized authority, legitimacy and sovereignty. States find Egypt’s new protest-driven democracy distasteful because it undermines the need for formal governance in general and states in particular.